End the Insurrection Before it Begins
Trump’s Coup Attempt
The jarring events of the last 48 hours should not be shocking to anyone who has paid attention to U.S. politics over the last four years. Democracy is relatively new on the world stage, but civilized society is not. Scholars have extensively studied what holds societies together, and what breaks them apart. Legitimacy, strong civil institutions, collective identity, shared history/culture/values/language, a free press, an independent judiciary, and high levels of trust all bolster the cohesion of a society. Corruption, racial and sectarian violence, external disruptions, mistrust, isolation, and suppression are corrosive and cumulative.
The central question of leadership in any society, from a small tribe up to a global empire, is the legitimate execution of authority. Humanity has experimented with almost every form imaginable. Chosen by the gods, might makes right, or the offspring of the previous ruler were the most popular methods for most of human history though in the last two-thousand years we have begun to get a little more creative. During the Roman Era, Republic and Empire, authority came from a mix of sources. Wealth was required to work one’s way up through society. Tradition and family history were important. Public displays of piety and the favor of the gods helped, but of course it was irrelevant if they were sincerely held beliefs. Demonstrated competence, especially in military affairs was important, and especially during the Imperial Age ultimate authority rested with the support of the legions.
One thing that cannot be overlooked however, is the power of the mob. Ambitious Roman politicians learned early on that, “The Senate has decreed this!” could effectively be countered by a Tribune of the Plebs veto, or thousands of angry citizens in the streets. But mob power is dangerous power. It is hard to control, difficult to sustain, and often violent. Restricting that power was every bit as important to the Enlightenment thinkers that conceived of modern democracy as curtailing the power of tyrannical rulers. You can see this line strongly in such areas of the U.S. Constitution like the makeup of the Senate. Senators were not directly elected and served long terms. Only a third of them were ever up for election at one time and individual senators were given great disruptive powers. The American Senate, like the Roman one two-thousand years ago, was designed to be slow, deliberative, and unresponsive to public opinion.
Born out of war and always striking a fine balance, the American experiment has endured, only seriously threatened with failure once in two and half centuries. Yet now, today, the President of the United States urged his supporters to come to Washington D.C. and descend on the Capitol. The Capitol, built during the bloody Civil War, was invaded. Guns were drawn, windows broken, even the flag of the Confederacy was flown outside while elected officials inside were evacuated.
President Trump tried many things to hold onto power: Bribes to wealthy individuals and corporations; threats to underlings to toe the line, and opponents to get out of the way; politicizing the Justice Department, the Census, even the Post Office. He extorted foreign leaders for dirt, and paid hush money to make embarrassing stories go away. When his final vote share did not exceed his own personal, low approval rating, he turned to the courts and state legislatures to try to steal the election. The military preemptively turned down his coup feelers, and so, like every desperate demagogue he turned to his last resort, an angry mob.
Some pundits today questioned why the Capitol was not better prepared. A dozen Capitol Police were indeed insufficient to handle the mob of thousands of Trump fanatics, and a far cry from the overwhelming force that met the Black Lives Matter movement whenever they came to D.C. last year. But it isn’t a conspiracy to say that some political leaders were supportive of the idea. A shouting mob is political theater. Like the “Brooks Brothers Riot” shutting down the recount in Florida in 2000, Trump and Republican Senators wanted this backdrop today. They wanted chaos and anger on display. They wanted it to look like they were humbly acting out the will of the people. Only when it looked like some of the people were willing to bash in any senator’s head regardless of party, did some of Ted Cruz’s gang start to have some second thoughts about inciting violent resistance to a legitimate election.
Trump was never in danger, knew it, and acted accordingly. He sent out one video where he said, “This election was stolen” and that he loved the insurgents. He has used racist, divisive language for decades now. He has praised and pardoned criminals. He said white supremacists and Nazis were “fine people”. He has attacked the press, scientists, academics, and political opponents. He has challenged or subverted every democratic norm that holds our country together, and now, finally, directly called for people to attack the government. Making apologies and legal arguments that he really believes he won, or couldn’t have been sure that his followers would act on his words is a dangerous, ridiculous waste of time.
Do we want to say, forevermore, that every election now has to wind up in the courts? Is it okay for a President to call state leaders and ask them to find him votes? To ask foreign countries to intervene? To self-pardon? To openly attempt to invalidate millions of votes and direct his followers to disrupt the legitimate function of government? If there are no consequences, these things will all happen again. A coup attempt is still a crime, even if it fails.
